Santer Commission
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The Santer Commission was the European Commission in office between 1995-01-23 and 1999-03-15. The administration was led by Jacques Santer (former Prime Minister of Luxembourg).
The body had 20 members and oversaw the introduction of the euro. It was cut short when the Commission became the first to resign en mass due to allegations of corruption. Some members continued under Manuel Marín until the Prodi Commission was appointed.
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[edit] Appointment
In 1994 Jacques Delors was due to step down from a successful tenure as President of the European Commission. However his federalist style was not the liking of many national governments. Hence when the proposal of Jean-Luc Dehaene (the then-Prime Minister of Belgium) was presented, he was vetoed by the UK on the grounds he was too federalists. Jacques Santer, then-Prime Minister of Luxembourg, was seen as less federalist as his presidency had earlier proposed the pillar structure. Hence he was nominated and approved by the European Council on 1994-07-15.[1]
Hence he was seen as being the "second choice" which weakened his position, with the European Parliament approving him only by a narrow majority. He did however flex his powers over the nominations for the other Commissioners. The President gained this power under the Maastricht Treaty that came into force the previous year. On 1995-01-18 managed to get his Commission approved by Parliament by 416 votes to 103 (a larger majority than expected) and they were appointed by the Council on 23 January.[1]
[edit] Early work
The Santer Commission oversaw the development of the Treaty of Nice before it was signed in 2000, negotiations with those countries to join in 2004 and the signing of the Amsterdam Treaty in 1997.[2]
Notably it contributed to the development of the euro and issued a series of green papers based on Commissioner Yves-Thubault de Dilguy's work. The Commission also developed the euro currency symbol. The euro was established on 1999-01-01. The Commission also continued Delor's social agenda and pushed for more powers in that field including tackling unemployment. It also began proposals for the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy but during 1998 the Commission began to loose authority due to management criticisms from the Parliament.[1]
[edit] Budget controversy
The community's budget for each year needs to be discharged by the Parliament following its report by the European Court of Auditors. It had only done so previously in 1984.[3] Towards the end of 1998 the Parliament's Committee on Budgetary Control initially refused to discharge the community's budget for 1996 over what it saw as the arrogance of the Commission in its refusal to answer questions relating to financial miss-management.[4] Paul van Buitenen, a whistle-blower working in the Commission, had sent the Parliament a report alleging that widespread fraud and cover ups, stating: "I found strong indications that . . . auditors have been hindered in their investigations and that officials received instructions to obstruct the audit examinations . . . The commission is a closed culture and they want to keep it that way, and my objective is to open it up, to create more transparency and to put power where it belongs - and that's in the democratically-elected European Parliament." In response, the Commission suspended him on half pay for releasing details of an inquiry.[5]
However it eventually supported the discharge 14 to 13 on 11 December, recommending that the plenary support the discharge. It was taken to plenary for debate four days later however the assigned rapporteur publicly went against the Committee's official position and urged the plenary to reject the discharge motion. President Santer announced that the Commission would treat the vote of discharge as one of confidence. In a vote on 1998-12-17, the Parliament denied the discharge.[6]
In response, on the basis it was tantamount to a vote of no confidence, the President of PES, Pauline Green, announced she would put forward a motion of censure. However PES would vote against its own motion, as there is no method for a motion of confidence. During this period, the Parliament took on an increase government-opposition dynamic, with PES as a party supporting the Commission and the EPP renouncing its support and acting as a de-facto opposition party to the executive.[6] This is in part due to the fact that the allegations centred on Édith Cresson and Manuel Marín, both from the Socialist party (PES). It was seen by some that it was an attempt by the People's party (EPP) to discredit PES ahead of the 1999 elections. This led to hesitation from the PES leadership, who were the largest group in Parliament, to support the allegations.[4] Motions tabled by the two groups outlined the differing stances the EPP favouring individual responsibility (just those whom the main allegations are against) and PES favouring an emphasis on collective responsibility (so EPP members such as the President, as well as PES members, would be forced to resign). The PES resolution also proposed establishing a committee of independent experts to investigate the allegations.[6]
[edit] Resignation
Following negotiations, including national capitals pressuring their MEPs,[4] the Parliament met to vote on the resolutions on 1999-01-14. It accepted the PES resolution and turned down a censure motion 293 to 232. Hence the Committee of Independent Experts was set up with its members appointed by the political leaders in Parliament and the Commission to create a balance.[6] A number of high profile figures[7] were appointed and President Santer agreed to "respond" to its findings.[4] The report was produced on 1999-03-15 and was presented to the Commission and Parliament. It largely cleared most members, aside from Cresson, but concluded that there was growing reluctance of the Commissioners to acknowledge responsibility and that "It was becoming increasingly difficult to find anyone who had the slightest sense of responsibility."[6]
In response to the report, PES withdrew their support from the Commission[6] and joined the other groups stating that unless the Commission resigned of their own accord, they would be forced to do so.[8] So, on the night of March 15th, Santer announced the mass resignation of his Commission.[6] The morning following the resignation, against the recommendation of his advisors, Santer attacked the conclusions of Committee.[8] The report was seen to be even in criticising not only PES members and of criticising the workings of the Commission itself. It also exposed the situation that Parliament, nor the President, could force the resignation of an individual Commissioner as they could only be 'recalled' by national governments. Paris refused to recall Cresson,[4] who refused to resign of her own accord, which sparked the need for a mass resignation. Commissioner Mario Monti criticised this stating that "This Commission has collectively resigned, I believe, not because of collective responsibility but because certain members of it preferred not to take their own individual responsibilities."[8] Édith Cresson went before the European Court of Justice and, in July 2006, was found guilty but was not stripped of her pension.[9]
[edit] Repercussions
It was hoped by the leaders in Parliament that such a political challenge would generate useful publicity ahead of the elections, with previous polls producing a low turn out with a perception of the body being powerless. In this respect the affair did generate extensive media attention with the Parliament now seeming 'dramatic'. The committee report also was written in an unusually accessible manner, filled with soundbites. Further more it also drew greater attention from the Council to a Parliament willing to exercise its powers. Hence when the Council came in to agree on a new President, it was clear that the candidate had to be acceptable to parliament.[4] The crisis also displayed the increasing party competition within the Parliament, leading to the development of a Parliamentary system between the executive and legislative branches. Indeed it can be seen that the government-opposition dynamic of the two main parties in Parliament aggravated the development of the crisis and contributed to the downfall of the Commission.[6]
The Prodi Commission, which succeeded Marín's caretaker administration, announced a zero-tolorance approach to fraud. Following pressure from Parliament, the Commission quickly established OLAF, an anti-fraud office which replaced the Unit for the Co-ordination of Fraud Protection (UCLAF) established in 1988[10] and seen as having failed in its duty.[1] OLAF was established with more powers and to be more independent, especially in terms of investigation where they are formally autonomous from the Commission.[10] There were a few members who survived the Santer Commission to continue under Prodi: Franz Fischler, Erkki Liikanen, Mario Monti and Neil Kinnock. The latter was put in charge of the much needed institutional reform.[1]
[edit] College
Parties: [ 9 ] left (PES) - [ 2 ] centre (ELDR) - [ 7 ] right (EPP/ED/AEN) - [ 2 ] independent
[edit] References
- ^ a b c d e The crisis of the Santer Commission. European NAvigator. Retrieved on 2007-10-07.
- ^ Discover the former Presidents: The Santer Commission, Europa (web portal), Accessed 23 August 2007
- ^ Budgetary control: 1996 discharge raises issue of confidence in the Commission. Europa (web portal) (1999). Retrieved on 2007-10-15.
- ^ a b c d e f Hoskyns, Catherine; Michael Newman (2000). Democratizing the European Union: Issues for the twenty-first Century (Perspectives on Democratization. Manchester University Press, 106-7. ISBN 978-0719056666.
- ^ EU chief: No fraud cover-up. BBC News (1999-01-07). Retrieved on 2007-10-07.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Ringer, Nils F. (February 2003). The Santer Commission Resignation Crisis (PDF). University of Pittsburgh. Retrieved on 2007-10-07.
- ^ André Middelhoek (chair) Inga-Britt Ahlenius, Juan Antonio, Carillo Salcedo, Pierre Lelong and Walter van Greven
- ^ a b c Harding, Gareth (1999-03-18). Unfolding drama of the Commission's demise. European Voice. Retrieved on 2007-10-07.
- ^ Court rules against ex-French PM. BBC News. Retrieved on 2007-10-07.
- ^ a b EU Budget Fraud. politics.co.uk. Retrieved on 2007-10-07.
[edit] External links
- EU Press release, 1994, "Division of portfolios in the new Commission", Retrieved Mar. 25, 2005.
- EIOP: The resignation of the Santer-Commission: the impact of 'trust' and 'reputation'. Paper by Angelina Topan 2002-09-30
- Article used as reference (in German)
- The corrupt activities of Edith Cresson
- Committee of Independent Experts
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