Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878)

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Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878)
Image:Plevna monument.jpg Plevna Monument near the walls of Kitai-gorod
Date 1877–1878 Location Balkans, Caucasus Result Qualified Russian victory Territorial changes Congress of Berlin
Combatants
Image:Romanov Flag.svg Russian Empire Image:Rumania.gif Romania Image:National flag of Serbia.svg Serbia Image:Flag of Bulgaria.svg Bulgaria Image:Flag of Montenegro (1941-1944).svg Montenegro	Image:Ottoman Flag.svg Ottoman Empire
Commanders
Image:Romanov Flag.svg Mikhail Skobelev Image:Romanov Flag.svg Mikhail Loris-Melikov Image:Romanov Flag.svg Ivan Lazarev Image:Rumania.gif Carol I of Romania	Image:Ottoman Flag.svg Ahmed Muhtar Pasha

Russo-Turkish War, 1877-1878
Kızıl-Tepe – Simnitza – Svistov – Nikopol – 1st Shipka Pass – 2nd Shipka Pass – Lovcha – 3rd Shipka Pass – Gorni-Dubnik – Kars – Pleven – Tashkessen – 4th Shipka Pass – Plovdiv

v • d • e Russo-Ottoman Wars
1568–70 – 1571-72 – 1676–81 – 1686–1700 – 1687–89 – 1695–96 – 1710–11 – 1735–39 – 1768–74 – 1787–92 – 1806–12 – 1821–29 – 1828–29 – 1853–56 – 1877–78 – 1914–17 – 1917–18

The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 had its origins in the Russian goal of gaining access to the Mediterranean Sea and capturing the Balkan Peninsula from the Ottoman Empire. The outcome of the war was the formal proclamation of independence of the principalities of Serbia, Montenegro and Romania, each of which have de facto already been sovereign for some period. Although the Bulgarians have formally remained under Ottoman rule until 1908, they have, nonetheless, managed to retrieve their statehood within the Ottoman Empire. The war resulted in the ethnic cleansing of Muslims from Bulgaria. ^[1]

Contents 1 Conflict pre-history 1.1 Oppression of Christians in Ottoman empire 1.2 Changing balance of power in Europe 2 Immediate causes 2.1 Suppression of Bulgarian insurrection and reaction in Europe 2.2 Defeat of Serbia and diplomatic maneuvering 3 Prosecution: the one-eyed and the blind 4 Course of the war 5 The Caucasus 6 Conclusion 6.1 Intervention by the Great Powers 7 Lasting impact 7.1 International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement 8 See also 9 References 10 Further reading 11 Video links 12 External links

[edit] Conflict pre-history

[edit] Oppression of Christians in Ottoman empire

Article 9 of Paris Peace Treaty, concluded at the end of the Crimean War, obliged Ottoman Empire to grant Christians equal rights with Muslims. An edict, Hatt-ı Hümayun,was issued that proclaimed the principle of the equality of Muslims and non-Muslims, and produced some specific reforms to this end. For example, the jizya tax was abolished and non-Muslims were allowed to join the army.

However, some key aspects of Dhimmi status was retained, for example testimony of Christians against Muslims was not accepted in courts, which granted Muslims effective immunity for offenses conducted against Christians. Although on local level relations between communities were often good, this practice encouraged worst elements of Muslim society to exploit the situation. The abuses were at their worst in regions with predominant Christian population, mainly located in European part of empire, where local authorities often openly supported them as a mean to keep Christians subjugated.

• 1860: Druzes in Lebanon, with the connivance of Ottoman authorities, massacred more than 10,000 Christians (mostly Maronites, but Greek Catholics and Orthodox also suffered). Threat of French military intervention forced Porte to restore order. Under the European pressure, the sultan agreed to put a Christian governor in Lebanon, whose candidacy was to be submitted by the sultan and approved by European powers ^[2].

• 1866: The Cretan Uprising started, under the slogan of reunification with Greece. Insurgents gained control over the whole island except for five cities where Muslims were fortified. By the early 1869 the insurrection was suppressed, but Porte offered some concessions, introducing island self-rule and raising the Christian rights on the island. The siege of Moni Arkadiou monastery became widely known in Europe after more than 700 women and children who sheltered in the monastery's gunpowder room chose to blast themselves but not surrender to the Turks.

An important effect of Cretan Insurrection, and especially the brutality with which it was suppressed by Turks, was growth of public attention in Europe, and in the Great Britain in particular, to the issue of oppressed state of the Christians in the Ottoman Empire.

"Small as the amount of attention is which can be given by the people of England to the affairs of Turkey… enough was transpiring from time to time to produce a vague but a settled and general impression that the Sultans were not fulfilling the “solemn promises” their had made to Europe; that the vices of the Turkish government were ineradicable; and that whenever another crisis might arise affecting the “independence” of the Ottoman Empire, it would be wholly impossible to afford to it again the support we had afforded in the Crimean war."^[3]

[edit] Changing balance of power in Europe

Russia ended the Crimean War with minimal territorial losses, but was forced to destroy its Black Sea Fleet and Sevastopol fortifications. Russian international prestige was damaged, and for many years revenge for the Crimean war became the main goal of Russian foreign policy.

This was not easy however — the Paris Peace Treaty included guarantees of Ottoman territorial integrity by Great Britain, France and Austria; only Prussia remained friendly to Russia.

It was on alliance with Prussia and her chancellor Bismark where in April 1856 a newly appointed Russian chancellor, Alexander Gorchakov, put a stake in. Russia consistently supported Prussia in her wars with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870). In March 1871, using crushing French defeat and support of grateful (already) Germany, Russia achieved international recognition of her earlier denouncement of Article XI of Paris Peace Treaty, thus enabling her to revive Russian Black Sea Fleet.

Other clauses of Paris Peace Treaty, however, remained in force, specifically Article 8 with guarantees of Ottoman territorial integrity by Great Britain, France and Austria. This made Russia to use extreme caution in its relations with Ottoman empire and coordinate all its actions with other European powers. War with Turkey tete-a-tete was possible only after getting a carte blanche from other European powers, and Russian diplomacy was waiting for convenient moment.

[edit] Immediate causes

[edit] Suppression of Bulgarian insurrection and reaction in Europe

An anti-Ottoman uprising occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the summer of 1875. The main reason for this revolt was the heavy tax burden imposed by financially defunct Ottoman administration. Despite some relaxation of taxes, the uprising continued well over the end of 1875 and eventually triggered the Bulgarian April uprising of 1876.

In order to suppress the Bulgarian insurrection, financially defunct Ottoman administration had to rely on irregulars, notorious Bashi-bazouks, as the regular army was not paid for about six months and thus not eager to take part in the action. Bashi-bazouks, true to their reputation, brutally suppressed the uprising, massacring up to 12,000 people in the process^[4]. When the details became known in Europe, the resulting shock and horror made many dignitaries, including Charles Darwin, Oscar Wilde, Victor Hugo and Giuseppe Garibaldi to publicly condemn the Ottoman abuses in Bulgaria^[5]. In the United Kingdom, the opposition leader, William Gladstone, wrote a booklet denouncing what he called "the Bulgarian Horrors," and calling upon Britain to withdraw its support for Turkey^[6].

The strongest reaction came from Russia. Widespread sympathy to Bulgarian cause led to nationwide surge in patriotism on the scale comparable with the one during Patriotic War of 1812. From autumn 1875 a movement to support Bulgarian uprising involved all classes of Russian society, without any exceptions. This was accompanied by sharp public discussions about Russian goals in this conflict: Slavophiles, led by Dostoevsky, saw in the impending war the chance to unite all Orthodox nations under Russia's helm, thus fulfilling what they believed was the historic mission of Russia, while their opponents, westerners, led by Turgenev, denied the importance of religion and believed that Russian goals should not be defense of Orthodoxy but liberation of Bulgaria^[7].

A number of works by Russian painters and writers were dedicated to Bulgarian uprising:

• A painting by Konstantin Makovsky, 'The Bulgarian martyresses', depicted a scene of mass rape by Bashi-bazouks of Bulgarian women, happening inside the desecrated Orthodox temple.
• In Turgenev's verse 'Cricket in Windsor' (1876) Queen Victoria was accused of tolerating Ottoman atrocities in Bulgaria;
• In Polonsky's verse Bulgarian woman (1876) was depicted a humiliation of Bulgarian woman whose whole family was killed and who was taken into harem, only to be further harassed by other concubines.

Evident inability of Ottoman government to restrain its own military, coupled with unwillingness of European powers to intervene themselves, resulted in gradual drift of European public opinion towards permitting Russia to deal with Turkey tete-a-tete.

[edit] Defeat of Serbia and diplomatic maneuvering

Tension in Bosnia and Russian support encouraged the principalities of Serbia and Montenegro's declaration of war against their nominal Ottoman overlord early in July. The war raised imperial appetites of the Great Powers, Russia (Prince Gorchakov) and Austria-Hungary (Count Andrássy), who made the secret Reichstadt Agreement in July 8, on partitioning the Balkan peninsula depending on the outcome.

In August 1876, Serb forces, supported by Bulgarian and Russian volunteers, were defeated by the Ottoman army, which was the worst-case scenario for Russians and Austrians as they couldn't claim any Ottoman possessions. As a result the Istanbul Conference was held in December 1876 in Istanbul. At this conference, at which the Ottomans were not represented, the Great Powers discussed the boundaries of one or more future autonomous Bulgarian provinces within the Ottoman Empire.

The Conference was interrupted by the Ottoman foreign minister, who informed the delegates that Ottoman empire had approved a new constitution. Despite that, Russia remained hostile towards the Ottoman Empire, postulating that the constitution was only a partial solution. Through diplomatic negotiations Russians ensured the inaction of Austria-Hungary in future military operations. In Britain, the political signals were mixed. Despite strong civil support for the idea of Bulgarian liberation, fostered in Britain by the writings and speeches of former Prime Minister William Gladstone, the contemporary leader, Benjamin Disraeli was much more pessimistic of Russian intentions. He positioned Britain as the defender of the Ottoman Empire, as they had done in the Crimean War twenty years earlier.^[8] This lack of a uniform policy is evident in the negotiations of the Conference. The British delegate, Lord Salisbury, got on well with his Russian counterpart, Count Nicholas Ignatiev, and was able to reach a compromise agreement. Bulgaria would be divided into an eastern and western province, Bosnia-Herzegovina united into one province, and each of these three provinces would have a considerable degree of autonomy, including a provincial assembly and a local police force. Also, Serbia was not forced to give up any territory and Montenegro was permitted to keep the areas she had overrun in Herzegovina and northern Albania.^[8]

[edit] Prosecution: the one-eyed and the blind

Russia declared war on the Ottomans on 24 April, 1877. Some described this war as "a war between the one-eyed and the blind",^{[citation needed]} because so many errors of strategy and judgment were committed on both sides. This, however, was all too common a problem for contemporaneous warfare, from the Crimean War to the Boer Wars.

In the beginning of the war the outcome was far from obvious. The Russians could send into the Balkans a larger army: about 300,000 troops were within reach. The Ottomans had about 200,000 troops on the Balkan peninsula, of which about 100,000 was assigned to fortified garrisons, leaving about 100,000 for the army of operation. The Ottomans had the advantage of being fortified, complete command of the Black Sea, and patrol boats along the Danube river^[9].

In reality, however, the Ottomans usually resorted to passive defense, leaving strategic initiative to the Russians who, after making some mistakes, managed to find a winning strategy for the war.

The Ottoman military command in Constantinople made poor assumptions of Russian intentions. They decided that Russians would be too lazy to march along the Danube and cross it away from the delta, and would prefer the short way along the Black Sea coast. This would be ignoring the fact that the coast had the strongest, best supplied and garrisoned Turkish fortresses. There was only one well manned fortress along the inner part of the river Danube, Vidin. It was garrisoned only because the troops, led by Osman Pasha, had just taken part in crushing the Serbs in their recent war against Ottoman Empire.

The Russian campaign was better planned, but it relied heavily on Turkish passiveness; with a more aggressive counterpart, the outcome of the campaign would be very uncertain. A crucial mistake was sending too few troops initially; the Danube was crossed in June by an expeditionary force of about 185,000, which was slightly less than the combined Turkish forces in the Balkans (about 200,000). After first setbacks in July (at Pleven and Stara Zagora), Russian military command realized it did not have the reserves to keep the offensive going and switched to the defense. The Russians did not even have enough forces to blockade Plevna properly until late August, which effectively delayed the whole campaign for about two months.

[edit] Course of the war

At the start of the war, Russia destroyed all vessels along the Danube and mined the river, thus ensuring it could cross the Danube at any point it wanted. This didn't mean anything to the Turkish command. In June a small Russian unit passed the Danube close to the delta, at Galaţi and marched towards Ruse. This made the Ottoman even more confident that the big Russian force would come right through the middle of the Ottoman stronghold.

Then in July the Russians, unobstructed, constructed a bridge across the Danube at Svishtov, and began crossing. There were no significant Ottoman troops in the area. The command in Constantinople ordered Osman Pasha to march in that direction and fortify the nearby fortress of Nikopol. On his way to Nikopol, Osman Pasha learned that the Russians had already secured it, and so moved to Plevna, now Pleven.

Less than 24-hours after Osman Pasha fortified Plevna, numerous Russian forces under the charismatic "White General" Mikhail Skobelev attacked the city. Osman Pasha organized a brilliant defence and repelled two Russian attacks with huge casualties on the Russian side. At that point the sides were almost equal in numbers and the Russian Army was very discouraged. Most analysts agree that a counter-attack would have allowed the Turks to gain control and destroy the passing bridge. However, Osman Pasha had orders to stay fortified in Pleven, and so did not leave that fortress.

Russia had no more troops to throw against Plevna, so they besieged it, and subsequently asked the Romanians to provide extra troops. Soon afterwards, Romanian forces crossed the Danube and joined the siege. On August 16th, at Gorni-Studen, the armies around Pleven — renamed the West Armies — were placed under the command of the Romanian Prince Carol, aided by the Russian general Pavel Dmitrievich Zotov and the Romanian general Alexandru Cernat.

The Romanians fought bravely to capture the Grivitza redoubts around Pleven, and kept them under their control until the very end of the siege. The siege of Pleven (July–December 1877) turned to victory only after Russian and Romanian forces cut off all supply routes to the fortified Turks, starving them and thus forcing their surrender. By the end of November, the Ottoman forces tried to cut through the encirclement in the direction of Opanets, in the sector defended by Romanian troops. The attempt failed and, on November 28th, the wounded commander Osman Pasha was captured and surrendered his sword to the Romanian colonel Mihail Christodulo Cerchez.^{[verification needed]}

Russians under Field Marshal Joseph Vladimirovich Gourko succeeded in capturing the passes at the Stara Planina mountain which were crucial for maneuvering. Next, both sides fought a series of battles for Shipka Pass. Gourko made several attacks on the Pass and eventually secured it. Ottoman troops spent much effort to recapture this important route, to use it to reinforce Osman Pasha in Pleven, but failed. Eventually Gourko led a final offensive which crushed the Ottomans around Shipka Pass. The Ottoman offensive against Shipka Pass is considered one of the major mistakes of the war, as other passes were virtually unguarded. At this time a huge number of Turkish troops stayed fortified along the Black Sea coast and engaged in very few operations.

Besides the Romanian Army, a strong Finnish contingent and more than 12,000 volunteer Bulgarian army (Opalchenie) from the local Bulgarian population as well as many hajduk detachments fought in the war on the side of the Russians. To express his gratitude to the Finnish battalion, the Tsar elevated the regiment on their return home to the name Old Guard Battalion, which they still hold.

[edit] The Caucasus

Stationed in the Caucasus in Georgia and Armenia was a Russian force composed of approximately 75,000 men under the command of Count Mikhail Nikolayevich; his force stood against a Turkish army of 20.000 men led by General Ahmed Muhtar Pasha.^[10] While the Russian army was better prepared for the fighting in the region, it lagged behind technologically in certain areas such as heavy artillery and was bested by Mukhtar Pasha's army which possessed modern British artillery.

Many of the commanders under Nikolayevich were of Armenian descent including generals Beybut Shelkovnikov, Mikhail Loris-Melikov, Ivan Lazarev and Arshak Ter-Ghukasov. It was the forces under Lieutenant-general Ter-Ghukasov, stationed near Yerevan, who began their first assault into Ottoman territory by capturing the town of Bayazid on April 27, 1877.^[10] Capitalizing on Ter-Ghukasov's victory in Bayazid, Russian forces advanced further, taking the region of Ardahan on May 17; Russian units also besieged the region of Kars in the final week of May although Turkish reinforcements lifted the siege and repulsed them back.

In October 1877, the Turkish army launched a massive counteroffensive against Russian forces near Ajaria. Since July 19, Muhtar Pasha's forces had been holding the mountains heights that dominated the geography of the region.^[11] In the following months, the Russian forces under General Lazarev attempted to take the region back but had failed to do so at each turn. His forces were able to stave off another Turkish offensive in October and then advance forward to take the region on October 15. Turkish casualties in the battle for Ajaria amounted to 5-6,000 dead or injured while over 8,500 became prisoners of war; the number of Russian dead was close to 15,500.^[11]

[edit] Conclusion

[edit] Intervention by the Great Powers

Under pressure from the British and having suffered enormous losses (by some estimates about 200,000 men^{[citation needed]}) Russia accepted the truce offered by Ottoman Empire on January 31, 1878, but continued to move towards Constantinople.

The British sent a fleet of battleships to intimidate Russia from entering the city, and Russian forces stopped at San Stefano. Eventually Russia entered into a settlement under the Treaty of San Stefano (Ayastefanos Anlaşması in Turkish) on March 3, by which the Ottoman Empire would recognize the independence of Romania, Serbia, Montenegro, and autonomy of Bulgaria.

Alarmed by the extension of Russian power into the Balkans, the Great Powers later forced modifications of the treaty in the Congress of Berlin. The main change here was that Bulgaria would be split, according to earlier agreements among the Great Powers that precluded the creation of a large new Slavic state: the northern and eastern parts to become principalities as before (Principality of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia), though with different governors; and the Macedonian region, originally part of Bulgaria under San Stefano, would return to direct Ottoman administration.^[8]

A side effect of the war was the ethnic cleansing of the Muslim population in Bulgaria between 1876 and 1882: it is estimated that 262,000 died of various reasons and 515,000 were forced to flee.^[1]

[edit] Lasting impact

[edit] International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement

This war caused a division in the emblems of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement which continues to this very day. Both Russia and the Ottoman Empire had signed the First Geneva Convention (1864), which made the Red Cross, a color reversal of the flag of neutral Switzerland, the sole emblem of protection for military medical personnel and facilities. However, during this war the cross instead reminded the Ottomans of the Crusades; so they elected to replace the cross with the Red Crescent instead. This ultimately became the symbol of the Movement's national societies in most Muslim countries, and was ratified as an emblem of protection by later Geneva Conventions in 1929 and again in 1949 (the current version).

Iran, which neighbors both countries, considered them to be rivals, and probably considered the Red Crescent in particular to be an Ottoman symbol; except for the Red Crescent being centered and without a star, it is a color reversal of the Ottoman flag (and the modern Turkish flag). This appears to have led to their national society in the Movement being initially known as the Red Lion and Sun Society, using a red version of The Lion and Sun, a traditional Iranian symbol. After the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iran switched to the Red Crescent, but the Geneva Conventions continue to recognize the Red Lion and Sun as an emblem of protection.

The impact of this division later led to the Magen David Adom controversy, which was resolved partly through the addition of yet another emblem of protection, the Red Crystal, by Protocol III.

[edit] See also

• Alexander of Bulgaria
• History of the Balkans
• History of Europe
• Romanian War of Independence
• Battles of the Russo-Turkish War, 1877–78
• Congress of Berlin
• The Turkish Gambit

[edit] References

[edit] Further reading

• Acar, Keziban (March 2004). "An examination of Russian Imperialism: Russian Military and intellectual descriptions of the Caucasians during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878". Nationalities Papers 32 (1): 7-21.

[edit] Video links

130 years Liberation of Pleven (Plevna)

• Speech at 3 March 2007 of Mayor of Pleven – Mr. Najden Zelenogorsky
• Speech at 3 March 2007 of Bulgarian Prime Minister - Sergej Stanishev
• Speech at 3 March 2007 of Mr. Potapov, Ambassador of Russia in Bulgaria

[edit] External links

• (English) Online Chapter on the War, from the book "The Balkans Since 1453" by Stavrianos
• (Russian) Russian website on the war
• (English) The Romanian Army of the Russo-Turkish War 1877-78
• (Russian) Text of the book Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 and the Exploits of Liberators
• (Bulgarian) Image gallery for the waraz:93 Hərbi

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