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Anarchism (from Greek ἀν (without) + ἄρχειν (to rule) + ισμός (from stem -ιζειν), "without archons," "without rulers")[1] is a political philosophy encompassing theories and attitudes which reject compulsory government[2] (the state) and support its elimination,[3][4] often due to a wider rejection of involuntary or permanent authority.[5] Anarchism is defined by The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics as "a cluster of doctrines and attitudes centered on the belief that government is both harmful and unnecessary."[6]
William Godwin is credited as one of the founders of modern anarchism.
Opposition to state and hierarchy had a long history prior to the anarchists in nineteenth century Europe. Some claim anarchist themes can be found in the works of Taoist sage Lao Tzu.[12][13]Diogenes of Sinope and the Cynics and their contemporary, Zeno of Citium, the founder of Stoicism, also introduced similar topics.[12]
Modern anarchism, however, sprung from the secular thought of the Enlightenment, particularly Rousseau's arguments for the moral centrality of freedom.[14] Although by the turn of the 19th century the term "anarchist" had an entirely positive connotation, it first entered the English language in 1642 during the English Civil War as a term of abuse used by Royalists to damn those who were fermenting disorder.[15] By the time of the French Revolution some, such as the Enragés,[clarify] began to use the term positively,[16] in opposition to Jacobin centralisation of power, seeing "revolutionary government" as oxymoronic.[15] From this climate William Godwin developed what many consider the first expression of modern anarchist thought.[17] Godwin was, according to Peter Kropotkin, "the first to formulate the political and economical conceptions of anarchism, even though he did not give that name to the ideas developed in his work."[12][18] Godwin, a philosophical anarchist, opposed revolutionary action and saw a minimal state as a present "necessary evil"[19] that would become increasingly irrelevant and powerless by the gradual spread of knowledge.[17] Godwin advocated extreme individualism, proposing that all cooperation in labor be eliminated.[20] Godwin felt discrimination on any grounds besides ability was intolerable.
The first to describe himself as anarchist was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon,[15] which led some to call him the founder of modern anarchist theory.[21] Proudhon proposed spontaneous order, whereby organization emerges without central authority, a "positive anarchy" where order arises when everybody does “what he wishes and only what he wishes"[22] and where "business transactions alone produce the social order."[23] Like Godwin, Proudhon opposed violent revolutionary action. He saw anarchy as "a form of government or constitution in which public and private consciousness, formed through the development of science and law, is alone sufficient to maintain order and guarantee all liberties. In it, as a consequence, the institutions of the police, preventive and repressive methods, officialdom, taxation, etc., are reduced to a minimum. In it, more especially, the forms of monarchy and intensive centralization disappear, to be replaced by federal institutions and a pattern of life based on the commune."[24]
Mutualism began in 19th century English and French labor movements, then took an anarchist form associated with Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in France and others in the US.[25] This influenced individualist anarchists in the United States such as Benjamin Tucker and William B. Greene; In the 1840s and 1850s, Charles A. Dana,[26] and Greene introduced Proudhon's works to the US. Greene adapted Proudhon's mutualism to American conditions and introduced it to Tucker.[27]
Mutualist anarchism is concerned with reciprocity, free association, voluntary contract, federation, and credit and currency reform. Many mutualists[who?] believe a market without government intervention drives prices to labor-costs, eliminating profit, rent, and interest according to the labor theory of value. Firms would be forced to compete over workers just as workers compete over firms, raising wages.[28]
Some see mutualism as an ideology falling between individualist and collectivist anarchism.[29] In What Is Property?, Proudhon develops a concept of "liberty", equivalent to "anarchy", which is the dialectical "synthesis of communism and property."[30] Greene, influenced by Pierre Leroux, sought mutualism in the synthesis of three philosophies — communism, capitalism and socialism.[31] Later individualist anarchists used the term mutualism but retained little emphasis on synthesis, while social anarchists such as the authors of An Anarchist FAQ claim mutualism as a subset of their philosophical tradition.[32]
Individualist anarchism comprises "several traditions"[33] which hold that "individual conscience and the pursuit of self-interest should not be constrained by any collective body or public authority."[34] Individualist anarchism is supportive of property being held privately, unlike the social/socialist/collectivist/communitarian wing which advocates common ownership.[35] Individualist anarchism has been espoused by individuals such as Henry David Thoreau[36]Josiah Warren, and Murray Rothbard. William Godwin, regarded by some as an individualist anarchist,[37] advocated benevolence but also defended the sanctity of "private judgement" for each individual over his own labor and his property, and predicted a progressive rationalism that would result in government becoming smaller over time until eventual disappearance.
One of the earliest and best-known proponents of individualist anarchism was Max Stirner,[38] who wrote The Ego and Its Own (1844), a "founding text" of the philosophy.[38]Stirner's philosophy was an "egoist" form of individualist anarchism according to which the individual does as he/she pleases, taking no notice of God, state, or moral rules,[39] and society has no responsibility for its members.[40] To Stirner, rights were spooks in the mind, and society does not exist but "the individuals are its reality" — he supported property as possession by might rather than right.[41] Stirner preached self-assertion and foresaw "associations of egoists" where respect for ruthlessness drew people together.[42]
A "less radical"[43] form of individualist anarchism was advocated by the "Boston anarchists," individualists who supported private property and a free market.[44] They advocated the protection of liberty and property by private contractors,[45] and endorsed exchange of labor for wages,[46] although they believed state monopoly capitalism (defined as a state-sponsored monopoly[47] didn't fully reward labor. Even among the nineteenth century American individualists, there was not a monolothic doctrine, as they disagree amongst each other on various issues. For example, Tucker opposed intellectual property rights while Spooner supported them.[48] Tucker supported property in land only while it was being used or occupied, while Byington and Spooner had no such restrictions for property.[49][50] A major cleft occurred later in the 19th century when Tucker, and some others, abandoned natural rights and converted to an "egoism" modeled upon Stirner's philosophy.[51] Some, like Tucker, identified themselves as "socialist" – a term which at the time denoted a broad concept – which he understood to refer to many ideas aimed at solving "the labor problem" by radically changing the economy.[52])
By the turn of the century, "the heyday of individualist anarchism had passed."[53] However, individualist anarchism was later revived with modifications by Murray Rothbard and the anarcho-capitalists in the mid-twentieth century, as a current of the broader libertarian movement.[43][54]
Collectivist anarchism (a specific tendency not to be confused with the broad category sometimes called collectivist or communitarian anarchism[55]) is most commonly associated with Mikhail Bakunin and with Johann Most.[56] Unlike mutualists, collectivist anarchists oppose all private ownership of the means of production, instead advocating that ownership be collectivized. However, collectivization was not to be extended to the distribution of income, as workers would be paid according to time worked, rather than receiving goods being distributed "according to need" as in anarcho-communism. Although the collectivist anarchists advocated compensation for labor, some held out the possibility of a post-revolutionary transition to a communist system of distribution according to need.[57] Collective anarchism arose contemporaneously with Marxism but opposed the Marxist dictatorship of the proletariat, despite Marxism striving for a collectivist stateless society.[58]
Anarcho-communist Peter Kropotkin believed that in anarchy, workers would spontaneously self-organize to produce goods in common for all society.
Anarchist communists propose that a society composed of a number of self-governingcommunes with collective use of the means of production and direct democracy as the political organizational form, and related to other communes through federation would be the freest form of social organisation.[59] However, some anarchist communists oppose the majoritarian nature of direct democracy, feeling that it can impede individual liberty and favor consensus democracy.[60]Joseph Déjacque was an early anarchist communist and the first person to describe himself as "libertarian".[61]
In anarchist communism, individuals would not receive direct compensation for labour (through sharing of profits or payment), but would instead have free access to the resources and surplus of the commune.[62] According to Kropotkin and later Murray Bookchin, the members of such a society will spontaneously perform all necessary labour because they will recognize the benefits of communal enterprise and mutual aid.[63] Kropotkin believed that private property was one of the causes of oppression and exploitation and called for its abolition.[64][65] In opposition to private property he advocated common ownership, proposing that "houses, field, and factories will no longer be private property [but] will be belong to the commune or the nation."[64]
The status of anarchist communism within anarchism is disputed, because it is seen by individualist anarchists and anarcho-capitalists as incompatible with freedom.[66] Some anarcho-syndicalists saw an anarcho-communist society as their objective; for example, the Spanish CNT adopted Isaac Puente's 1932 El comunismo libertario[59] as its manifesto for a post-revolutionary society. Platformism is an anarchist communist tendency in the tradition of Nestor Makhno who argued for the "vital need of an organization which, having attracted most of the participants in the anarchist movement, would establish a common tactical and political line for anarchism and thereby serve as a guide for the whole movement."[67] Some anarcho-communists[who?] are strongly influenced by radical individualist and egoist philosophy and believe that anarcho-communism does not require a communitarian nature at all. Some forms of libertarian communism are strongly Egoist in nature.[68] Anarcho-communist Emma Goldman was influenced by both Max Stirner and Kropotkin and blended their philosophies together in her own.[69]
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In the early twentieth century anarcho-syndicalism arose as a distinct school of thought within anarchism. With greater focus on the labour movement than previous forms of anarchism, syndicalism posits radical trade unions as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the state with a new society, democratically self-managed by the workers. Anarcho-syndicalists seek to abolish the wage system and private ownership of the means of production, which they believe lead to class divisions. Important principles of syndicalism include workers' solidarity, direct action (such as general strikes and workplace recuperations), and workers' self-management.
Anarcho-syndicalism and other branches of anarchism are not mutually exclusive: anarcho-syndicalists often subscribe to communist or collectivist anarchism. Its advocates propose labour organization as a means to create the foundations of a non-hierarchical anarchist society within the current system and bring about social revolution.
According to An Anarchist FAQ, anarcho-syndicalist economic systems often take the form of either a collectivist anarchist economic system or a anarcho-communist economic system.[32]
Rudolf Rocker was a leading early anarcho-syndicalist thinker who outlined a view of the origins of the movement, what it sought, and why it was important to the future of labour in his 1938 pamphlet Anarchosyndicalism.[32][70] Although more frequently associated with labor struggles of the early twentieth century (particularly in France and Spain), many syndicalist organizations are active today, including the SAC in Sweden, the USI in Italy, and the CNT in Spain. A number of these organizations are united across national borders by membership in the International Workers Association.
Anarchism continues to generate many eclectic and syncretic philosophies and movements; since the revival of anarchism in the U.S. in the 1960s,[71] a number of new movements and schools have emerged.
Post-left anarchy seeks to distance itself from the traditional "left" and to escape the confines of ideology in general. Post-leftists argue that anarchism has been weakened by its long attachment to contrary "leftist" movements and single issue causes and calls for a synthesis of anarchist thought and a specifically anti-authoritarian revolutionary movement outside of the leftist milieu. Post-anarchism is a theoretical move towards a synthesis of classical anarchist theory and poststructuralist thought developed by Saul Newman and associated with thinkers such as Todd May, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. It draws from a wide range of ideas including autonomism, post-left anarchy, situationism, post-colonialism and Zapatismo. Another recent form of anarchism critical of formal anarchist movements is insurrectionary anarchism which advocates informal organization and active resistance to the state; its proponents include Wolfi Landstreicher and Alfredo M. Bonanno.
Murray Rothbard (1926–1995), 20th century progenitor of anarcho-capitalism.
Anarcho-capitalism (also free-market anarchism[72]) is a political philosophy "based on a belief in the freedom to own private property, a rejection of any form of governmental authority or intervention, and the upholding of the competitive free market as the main mechanism for social interaction."[73] Anarcho-capitalism has a theory of legitimacy that supports private property as long as it was obtained by labor, trade, or gift.[74] In an anarcho-capitalist society, its proponents hold, voluntary market processes would result in the provision of social institutions such as law enforcement, defence and infrastructure by competing for-profit firms, charities or voluntary associations.[75] rather than the state.
Anarcho-capitalism has been advocated on both natural rights-based [81] and utilitarian[82] grounds. Because of the historically anti-capitalist nature of most anarchist thought, the status of anarcho-capitalism within anarchism is disputed, communist anarchists [having] been particularly keen to remove individualists anarchists such as Murray Rothbard from literary accounts of anarchism.[83] Rothbard distinguished free-market capitalism – peaceful voluntary exchange[84] – from "state capitalism" which he defined as a collusive partnership between big business and government that uses coercion to subvert the free market.[85] In this spirit, Rothbard stated that "capitalism is the fullest expression of anarchism, and anarchism is the fullest expression of capitalism."[86]
A purple and black flag is often used to represent Anarcha-feminism.
Anarcha-feminism synthesizes radical feminism and anarchism that views patriarchy (male domination over women) as a fundamental manifestation of involuntary hierarchy to which anarchists are opposed. Anarcha-feminism was inspired in the late 19th century by the writings of early feminist anarchists such as Lucy Parsons, Emma Goldman and Voltairine de Cleyre. Anarcha-feminists, like other radical feminists, criticize and advocate the abolition of traditional conceptions of family, education and gender roles. Anarcha-feminists also often criticize the views of some of the traditional anarchists such as Mikhail Bakunin who have believed that patriarchy is only a minor problem and is dependent only on the existence of the state and capitalism and will disappear soon after such institutions are abolished.[disputed] Anarcha-feminists by contrast view patriarchy as a fundamental problem in society and believe that the feminist struggle against sexism and patriarchy is a essential component of the anarchist struggle against the state and capitalism. L. Susan Brown expressed the sentiment that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist".[87]
Other green anarchists[who?] only wish to see an end to industrial society and do not necessarily oppose domestication or agriculture. Yet other green anarchists[who?] focus not on a post-revolutionary future, but on defense of the earth and social revolution in the present. Many non-primitivist green anarchists, such as anthropologist Brian Morris, are influenced by the social ecology of Murray Bookchin.
Voltairine de Cleyre was an anarchist without adjectives active in the late 19th century who rejected socialist/communist forms of anarchism for their need for regulation, and mutualist/individualist forms for their hard propertarianism.
Anarchism without adjectives, in the words of historian George Richard Esenwein, "referred to an unhyphenated form of anarchism, that is, a doctrine without any qualifying labels such as communist, collectivist, mutualist, or individualist. For others,…[it] was simply understood as an attitude that tolerated the coexistence of different anarchist schools".[91]Anarchism without adjectives emphasizes harmony between various anarchist factions and attempts to unite them around their shared anti-authoritarian beliefs.
The expression was coined by Cuban-born Fernando Tarrida del Mármol, who used it in Barcelona in November 1889 as a call for tolerance, after being troubled by the "bitter debates" between the different anarchist movements.[92]
Voltairine de Cleyre was an anarchist without adjectives who initially identified herself as an individualist anarchist but later espoused a collectivist form of anarchism,[93] while refusing to identify herself with any of the contemporary schools. She commented that "Socialism and Communism both demand a degree of joint effort and administration which would beget more regulation than is wholly consistent with ideal Anarchism; Individualism and Mutualism, resting upon property, involve a development of the private policeman not at all compatible with my notion of freedom" although she stopped short of denouncing these tendencies as un-anarchistic.[94]Errico Malatesta was another proponent of anarchism without adjectives, stating that "[i]t is not right for us, to say the least, to fall into strife over mere hypotheses."[95]Fred Woodworth is a contemporary anarchist without adjectives.[96]
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Anarchism as a social movement has regularly endured fluctuations in popularity. Its classical period, which scholars demarcate as from 1860 to 1939, is associated with the working-class movements of the nineteenth century and the Spanish Civil War-era struggles against fascism.[97]
Logo first used by the Federal Council of Spain of the International Workingmen's Association.
In Europe, harsh reaction followed the revolutions of 1848,[context needed] but in 1864 the International Workingmen's Association (sometimes called the "First International") united diverse revolutionary currents including French followers of Proudhon, Blanquists, Freemasons (Philadelphes), English trade unionists, socialists and social democrats.[citation needed] Due to its links to active workers' movements, the International became a significant organization. Karl Marx became a leading figure in the International and a member of its General Council. Proudhon's followers, the mutualists, opposed Marx's state socialism, advocating political abstentionism and small property holdings.[citation needed] In 1868, following their unsuccessful participation in the League of Peace and Freedom (LPF), Mikhail Bakunin and his associates joined the First International - which had decided not to get involved with the LPF. They allied themselves with the anti-authoritarian socialist sections of the International, who advocated the revolutionary overthrow of the state and the collectivization of property. At first, the collectivists worked with the Marxists to push the First International in a more revolutionary socialist direction. Subsequently, the International became polarized into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads.[citation needed]
Bakunin characterised Marx's ideas as authoritarian and predicted that, if a Marxist party came to power, its leaders would simply take the place of the ruling class they had fought against.[98][99] In 1872, the conflict climaxed with a final split between the two groups, when, at the Hague Congress, Marx engineered the expulsion of Bakunin and James Guillaume from the International and had its headquarters transferred to New York.[citation needed] In response, the anti-authoritarian sections formed their own International at the St. Imier Congress, adopting a revolutionary anarchist program.[100]
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The anti-authoritarian sections of the First International were the precursors of the anarcho-syndicalists, seeking to "replace the privilege and authority of the State" with the "free and spontaneous organization of labor."[101] In 1907, the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam gathered delegates from 14 different countries, among which important figures of the anarchist movement, including Errico Malatesta, Pierre Monatte, Luigi Fabbri, Benoît Broutchoux, Emma Goldman, Rudolf Rocker, Christiaan Cornelissen, etc. Various themes were treated during the Congress, in particular concerning the organisation of the anarchist movement, popular education issues, the general strike or anti-militarism. A central debate concerned the relation between anarchism and syndicalism (or trade-unionism). Malatesta and Monatte in particular opposed themselves on this issue, as the latter thought that syndicalism was revolutionary and would create the conditions of a social revolution, while Malatesta considered that syndicalism by itself was not sufficient.[102] Malatesta thought that trade-unions were reformist, and could even be, at times, conservative. Along with Cornelissen, he cited as example US trade-unions, where trade-unions composed of qualified workers sometimes opposed themselves to non-qualified workers in order to defend their relatively privileged position.
The Spanish Workers Federation in 1881 was the first major anarcho-syndicalist movement; anarchist trade union federations were of special importance in Spain. The most successful was the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour: CNT), founded in 1910. Before the 1940s, the CNT was the major force in Spanish working class politics and played a major role in the Spanish Civil War. The CNT was affiliated with the International Workers Association, a federation of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions founded in 1922, with delegates representing two million workers from 15 countries in Europe and Latin America. The largest organised anarchist movement today is in Spain, in the form of the Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) and the CNT. CGT membership was estimated to be around 100,000 for the year 2003.[103] Other active syndicalist movements include the US Workers Solidarity Alliance and the UK Solidarity Federation. The revolutionary industrial unionist Industrial Workers of the World, claiming 2,000 paying members, and the International Workers Association, an anarcho-syndicalist successor to the First International, also remain active.
Anarchists participated alongside the Bolsheviks in both February and October revolutions, many anarchists initially supporting the Bolshevik coup. However, the Bolsheviks soon turned against the anarchists and other left-wing opposition, a conflict that culminated in the 1921 Kronstadt rebellion. Anarchists in central Russia were either imprisoned or driven underground or joined the victorious Bolsheviks. In the Ukraine, anarchists fought in the civil war against Whites and then the Bolsheviks as part of the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine led by Nestor Makhno, who attempted to establish an anarchist society in the region for a number of months.
Expelled American anarchists Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman were amongst those agitating in response to Bolshevik policy and the suppression of the Kronstadt uprising, before they left Russia. Both wrote accounts of their experiences in Russia, criticizing the amount of control the Bolsheviks exercised. For them, Bakunin's predictions about the consequences of Marxist rule[98] had proved all too true.
The victory of the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution and the resulting Russian Civil War did serious damage to anarchist movements internationally. Many workers and activists saw Bolshevik success as setting an example; Communist parties grew at the expense of anarchism and other socialist movements. In France and the US, for example, certain members of the major syndicalist movements of the CGT and IWW left the organizations and joined the Communist International.
In the 1920s and 1930s, the rise of fascism in Europe transformed anarchism's conflict with the state. Italy saw the first struggles between anarchists and fascists. Italian anarchists played a key role in the anti-fascist organisation Arditi del Popolo, which was strongest in areas with anarchist traditions and marked up numerous successful victories, including repelling Blackshirts in the anarchist stronghold of Parma in August 1922.[104] In France, where the far-right leagues came close to insurrection in the February 1934 riots, anarchists divided over a 'United Front' policy.[105]
In Spain, the CNT initially refused to join a popular front electoral alliance and abstention by CNT supporters led to a right wing election victory. But in 1936, the CNT changed its policy and anarchist votes helped bring the popular front back to power. Months later, the ruling class responded with an attempted coup, and the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) was underway. In response to the army rebellion, an anarchist-inspired movement of peasants and workers, supported by armed militias, took control of Barcelona and of large areas of rural Spain where they collectivized the land. But even before the eventual fascist victory in 1939, the anarchists were losing ground in a bitter struggle with the Stalinists, who controlled the distribution of military aid to the Republican cause from Soviet Russia. The CNT leadership often appeared confused and divided, with some members controversially entering the government.[original research?] According to George Orwell and other foreign observers, Stalinist-led troops suppressed the collectives and persecuted both dissident Marxists and anarchists.
Since the late 1970s anarchists have been involved in opposing the rise of neo-fascist groups.[specify] In Germany and the United Kingdom anarchists worked within militantanti-fascist groups alongside members of the Marxist left.
Anarchism is a philosophy which embodies many diverse and heterogeneous attitudes, tendencies and schools of thought; as such, disagreement over questions of values, ideology and tactics is common. The compatibility of capitalism (which anarchists usually reject, according to the Oxford Companion to Philosophy[11]), nationalism and religion with anarchism is widely disputed. Similarly, anarchism enjoys a complex relationship with ideologies such as Marxism, communism and anarcho-capitalism. Anarchists may be motivated by humanism, divine authority, enlightened self-interest or any number of alternative ethical doctrines.
^ "Anarchism". The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2005. P. 14 "Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable."
^ Bakunin, Mikhail, God and the State, pt. 2.; Tucker, Benjamin, State Socialism and Anarchism.; Kropotkin, Piotr, Anarchism: its Philosophy and Ideal; Malatesta, Errico, Towards Anarchism; Bookchin, Murray, Anarchism: Past and Present, pt. 4; An Introduction to Anarchism by Liz A. Highleyman
^ ab Slevin, Carl. "Anarchism". The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Ed. Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan. Oxford University Press, 2003.
^ Kropotkine, Petr Alekseevich. Anarchism: A Collection of Revolutionary Writings, Courier Dover Publications, 2002, p.5
^ R.B. Fowler (1972). "The Anarchist Tradition of Political Thought". Western Political Quarterly25 (4): 738-752. doi:10.2307/446800.
^ Sylvan, Richard. "Anarchism". A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, editors Goodwin, Robert E. and Pettit, Philip. Blackwell Publishing, 1995, p.231
^ "Usually considered to be an extreme left-wing ideology, anarchism has always included a significant strain of radical individualism, from the hyperrationalism of Godwin, to the egoism of Stirner, to the libertarians and anarcho-capitalists of today." Brooks, Frank H. 1994. The Individualist Anarchists: An Anthology of Liberty (1881-1908). Transaction Publishers. p. xi
^ Godwin himself attributed the first anarchist writing to Edmund Burke's Vindication of Natural Society. "Most of the above arguments may be found much more at large in Burke's Vindication of Natural Society; a treatise in which the evils of the existing political institutions are displayed with incomparable force of reasoning and lustre of eloquence…" - footnote, Ch. 2 Political Justice by William Godwin.
^ Godwin said: "…however we may be obliged to admit it as a necessary evil for the present, it behoves us, as the friends of reason and the human species, to admit as little of it as possible, and carefully to observe whether, in consequence of the gradual illumination of the human mind, that little may not hereafter be diminished." "An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice"
^ Daniel Guerin, Anarchism: From Theory to Practice (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1970).
^ Proudhon, Solution to the Social Problem, ed. H. Cohen (New York: Vanguard Press, 1927), p.45.
^ Proudon, Pierre-Joseph. The Federal Principle. "The notion of anarchy in politics is just as rational and positive as any other. It means that once industrial functions have taken over from political functions, then business transactions alone produce the social order."
^ "A member of a community," The Mutualist; this 1826 series criticized Robert Owen's proposals, and has been attributed to Josiah Warren or another dissident Owenite in the same circles; Wilbur, Shawn, 2006, "More from the 1826 "Mutualist"?"
^ Tucker, Benjamin R., "On Picket Duty", Liberty (Not the Daughter but the Mother of Order) (1881-1908); 5 January1889; 6, 10; APS Online pg. 1
^ "Communism versus Mutualism", Socialistic, Communistic, Mutualistic and Financial Fragments. (Boston: Lee & Shepard, 1875)|William Batchelder Greene: "Under the mutual system, each individual will receive the just and exact pay for his work; services equivalent in cost being exchangeable for services equivalent in cost, without profit or discount; and so much as the individual laborer will then get over and above what he has earned will come to him as his share in the general prosperity of the community of which he is an individual member."
^ Avrich, Paul. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America, Princeton University Press 1996 ISBN 0-691-04494-5, p.6 Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought, Blackwell Publishing 1991 ISBN 0-631-17944-5, p.11
^ Heywood, Andrew, Key Concepts in Politics, Palgrave, ISBN 0-312-23381-7, 2000, p. 46
^ Freeden, Micheal. Ideologies and Political Theory: A Conceptual Approach. Oxford University Press. ISBN 019829414X. pp. 314
^ Johnson, Ellwood. The Goodly Word: The Puritan Influence in America Literature, Clements Publishing, 2005, p. 138: "…a political theory that has usually been named 'anarchist individualism'…The theory, however, does not advocate anarchism in the sense, for example, of the destruction of institutions; its purpose is only description. Emersonian and Thoreauavian anarchism does not call for any specifiable program of rebellion or destruction of social institutions, but merely asserts one abiding truth…" Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, edited by Edwin Robert Anderson Seligman, Alvin Saunders Johnson, 1937, p. 12: "The noblest and most eloquent statement of this essentially anarchist individualism came a generation later in Thoreau's essay on Civil Disobedience" Bool, Henry, Henry Bool's Apology for His Jeffersonian Anarchism, 1901: "I am a believer in the doctrines of the individualistic school of Anarchists, to which Garrison, Emerson, Proudhon, Thoreau, Spooner, Andrews, Warren and Tucker belong."
^ Woodcock, George. 2004. Anarchism: A History Of Libertarian Ideas And Movements. Broadview Press. p. 20
^ Miller, David. "anarchism." 1987. The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought. Blackwell Publishing. p 11
^ Heider, Ulrike. Anarchism: Left, Right and Green, San Francisco: City Lights Books, 1994, pp. 95-96
^ "What my might reaches is my property; and let me claim as property everything I feel myself strong enough to attain, and let me extend my actual property as fas as I entitle, that is, empower myself to take…" In Ossar, Michael. 1980. Anarchism in the Dramas of Ernst Toller. SUNY Press. p. 27
^ Woodcock. George. 2004. Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. Broadview Press. p 20
^ ab Levy, Carl. "Anarchism". Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2007.
^ "Anarchism is a word without meaning, unless it includes the liberty of the individual to control his product or whatever his product has brought him through exchange in a free market - that is, private property. Whoever denies private property is of necessity an Archist." "Anarchism and Property", by Benjamin Tucker in The New Freewoman, November 151913
^Benjamin Tucker, "defense is a service like any other service; that it is labor both useful and desired, and therefore an economic commodity subject to the law of supply and demand; that in a free market this commodity would be furnished at the cost of production; that, competition prevailing, patronage would go to those who furnished the best article at the lowest price; that the production and sale of this commodity are now monopolized by the State; and that the State, like almost all monopolists, charges exorbitant prices" "Instead of a Book" (1893)
"Anarchism does not exclude prisons, officials, military, or other symbols of force. It merely demands that non-invasive men shall not be made the victims of such force. Anarchism is not the reign of love, but the reign of justice. It does not signify the abolition of force-symbols but the application of force to real invaders." Tucker, Benjamin. LibertyOctober 191891.
^ Tucker, Benjamin. "Labor and Its Pay", from Individual Liberty: Selections from the Writings of Benjamin T. Tucker
^ Schwartzman, Jack. '"Ingalls, Hanson, and Tucker: Nineteenth-Century American Anarchists". American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 62, No. 5 (November, 2003). p. 325
^ Brooks, Frank H. 1994. The Individualist Anarchists: An Anthology of Liberty (1881-1908). Transaction Publishers. p. 75.
^ Avrich, Paul. 2006. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. AK Press. p. 6
^ Miller, David. "Anarchism". The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought 1987. p. 11
^ Morris, Christopher W. 1998. An Essay on the Modern State. Cambridge University Press. p 50. The collectivist category is also sometimes known as social, socialist, or communitarian anarchism category.
^ Avrich, Paul. 2006. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. AK Press. p. 5
^ Bakunin's associate, James Guillaume, put it this way in his essay, Ideas on Social Organization(1876): "When… production comes to outstrip consumption… [e]veryone will draw what he needs from the abundant social reserve of commodities, without fear of depletion; and the moral sentiment which will be more highly developed among free and equal workers will prevent, or greatly reduce, abuse and waste."
^ Bakunin, Mikhail; Statism and Anarchism: "They [the Marxists] maintain that only a dictatorship — their dictatorship, of course — can create the will of the people, while our answer to this is: No dictatorship can have any other aim but that of self-perpetuation, and it can beget only slavery in the people tolerating it; freedom can be created only by freedom, that is, by a universal rebellion on the part of the people and free organization of the toiling masses from the bottom up."
^ Yarros, Victor S. "A Princely Paradox", Liberty, Vol 4. No. 19, Saturday, April 9, 1887, Whole Number 97; Tucker, Benjamin. "Labor and Its Pay"; Appleton, Henry. "Anarchism, True and False", Liberty 2.24, no. 50, 6 September 1884, p. 4; Swartz, Clarence Lee. What is Mutualism?; Rothbard, Murray. "The Death Wish of the Anarcho-Communists"
^ Williams, Leonard (September 2007). "Anarchism Revived". New Political Science29 (3): 297 - 312. doi:10.1080/07393140701510160. Retrieved on 2007-12-04.
^ "This volume honors the foremost contemporary exponent of free-market anarchism. One contributor describes Murray Rothbard as 'the most ideologically committed zero-State academic economist on earth'." Review by Lawrence H. White of "Man, Economy, and Liberty: Essays in honor of Murray N. Rothbard", published in Journal of Economic Literature, Vol XXVIII, June 1990, page 664
^ DeLeon, David. The American as Anarchist: Reflections on Indigenous Radicalism. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978, p. 127
^Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought, 1987, ISBN 0-631-17944-5, p. 290: "A student and disciple of the Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises, Rothbard combined the laissez-faire economics of his teacher with the absolutist views of human rights and rejection of the state he had absorbed from studying the individualist American anarchists of the nineteenth century such as Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker. (Rothbard himself is on the anarchist wing of the movement.)"
^ Adams, Ian. 2002. Political Ideology Today. p. 135. Manchester University Press; Ostergaard, Geoffrey. 2003. "Anarchism". The Blackwell Dictionary of Modern Social Thought. W. Outwaite ed. Blackwell Publishing. p. 14.
^ Esenwein, George Richard "Anarchist Ideology and the Working Class Movement in Spain, 1868-1898" [p. 135]
^ Avrich, Paul. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. Princeton University Press, 1996, p. 6
^ "The best thing ordinary workingmen or women could do was to organise their industry to get rid of money altogether…Let them produce together, co-operatively rather than as employer and employed; let them fraternise group by group, let each use what he needs of his own product, and deposit the rest in the storage-houses, and let those others who need goods have them as occasion arises." Voltairine De Cleyre, "Why I Am an Anarchist"
^ "There is nothing un-Anarchistic about any of [these systems] until the element of compulsion enters and obliges unwilling persons to remain in a community whose economic arrangements they do not agree to."[citation needed]
^Nettlau, Max. A Short History of Anarchism [p. 198-9]
^ "I have no prefix or adjective for my anarchism. I think syndicalism can work, as can free-market anarcho-capitalism, anarcho-communism, even anarcho-hermits, depending on the situation. But I do have a strong individualist streak. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America, Paul Avrich (2006). p. 475
^ Jonathan Purkis and James Bowen, "Introduction: Why Anarchism Still Matters", in Jonathan Purkis and James Bowen (eds), Changing Anarchism: Anarchist Theory and Practice in a Global Age (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), p.3.
^ ab "You can see quite well that behind all the democratic and socialistic phrases and promises in Marx’s program for the State lies all that constitutes the true despotic and brutal nature of all states, regardless of their form of government." Bakunin, Mikhail (1872) "On the International Workingmen's Association and Karl Marx" in Bakunin on Anarchy, translated and edited by Sam Dolgoff, 1971
Anarchism. A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas.Robert Graham, editor.
Volume One: From Anarchy to Anarchism (300CE to 1939) Black Rose Books, Montréal and London 2005. ISBN 1-55164-250-6.
Volume Two: The Anarchist Current (1939-2006) Black Rose Books, Montréal 2007. ISBN 9781551643113.
Anarchism, George Woodcock (Penguin Books, 1962) (For many years the classic introduction, until in part superseded by Harper's Anarchy: A Graphic Guide[original research?])
Anarchy: A Graphic Guide, Clifford Harper (Camden Press, 1987) (An excellent overview, updating Woodcock's classic, and beautifully illustrated throughout by Harper's woodcut-style artwork[neutrality disputed])
The Anarchist Reader, George Woodcock (Ed.) (Fontana/Collins 1977) (An anthology of writings from anarchist thinkers and activists including Proudhon, Kropotkin, Bakunin, Bookchin, Goldman, and many others.)
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